This section is dedicated to records available of any kind pertaining to the Chowanoke Indians. This includes, but is not limited to, land records, colonial records, court records, diaries, letters, maps, absolutely anything. This includes things not directly referring to the Chowans, but pertaining to things that would affect them, i.e certain laws, environmental changes, descriptions of their neighbors, etc. These records are posted in chronological order of the events they describe, not the order in which they were recorded. For example, Virginia's military expedition of 1645 into Carolina wasn't recorded until 1708 by expedition member Henry Plumpton when he was an old man. Instead of placing this as a 1708 event, it would be more accurate to have it placed when the event actually occured, 1645. Finally, this is an archive of primary sources, not secondary, so if you find a great new historical or anthropological work you would like to submit, by all means do it, but these kind of sources will be more appropriate for our bibliography section, where the publication information and if possible, a link, is provided for other researchers. This is a living and breathing section, in other words, a continual work in progress. If you peruse our records and discover that you have a record that does not appear here, by all means, forward it to the webmaster and it will be promptly posted, giving credit where due to the submitter. I only ask that any new records submitted be cited to its source, as this section is intended to be solid and completely verifiable. That said, enjoy, and hopefully we all can help each other using these community archives!
UPDATED 4/24/2014 - NEW ENTRY IN RED
1584, Arthur Barlowe, First Voyage to Roanoke
“Beyond this Island there is the maine lande, and over against this Island falleth into this spacious water, the great river called Occam by the inhabitants on which standeth a towne called Pomeiock, & sixe days journey from the same is situate their greatest citie, called Skicoak, which this people affirme to be very great: but the Savages were never at it, only they speake of it by the report of their fathers and other men, whom they have heard affirme it to bee above one houres journey about.
Into this river falleth another great river, called Cipo, in which there is found great store of Muskles in which there are pearles: likewise there descendeth into this Occam, another river, called Nomopana, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanook, and the Lord of that towne and countrey is called Pooneno: this Pooneno is not subject to the King of Wingandacoa, but is a free Lord: beyond this country is there another king, whom they cal Menatonon, and these three kings are in league with each other. Towards the Southwest, foure dayes journey is situate a towne called Sequotan, which is the Southermost towne of Wingandacoa, neere unto which, sixe and twentie yeres past there was a ship cast away, whereof some of the people were saved, and those were white people whom the countrey people perserved.”
1586, Thomas Hariot, A Breife and True report of the New Found Land in Virginia
“Their townes are but small, & neere the sea coast but few, some cõtaining but 10. or 12. houses: some 20. the greatest that we haue seene haue bene but of 30. houses: if they be walled it is only done with barks of trees made fast to stakes, or els with poles onely fixed vpright and close one by another.
In some places of the countrey one onely towne belongeth to the gouernment of a Wiróans or chiefe Lorde; in other some two or three, in some sixe, eight, & more; the greatest Wiróans that yet we had dealing with had but eighteene townes in his gouernmẽt, and able to make not aboue seuen or eight hundred fighting men at the most: The language of euery gouernment is different from any other, and the farther they are distant the greater is the difference.”
1586, Ralph Lane, Raleighs First Roanoke Colony
“The Townes about the waters side situated by the way are these following: Passaquenoke The womans Towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok, Muscamunge, and Metackwem: all these being under the jurisdiction of the king of Weopomeiok, called Okisco: From Muscamunge we enter into the River, and jurisdiction of Chawanook: There the River beginneth to straighten until it come to Chawanook, and then groweth to be as narrow as the Thames betweene Westminster and Lambeth.
Betwene Muscamunge and Chawanook upon the left hand as wee passe, thither, is a goodly high land, and there is a Towne which we called The blinde Towne, but the Savages called it Ohanoak, and hath a very goodly corne field belonging unto it: it is subject to Chawanook.
Chawanook it selfe is the greatest Province and Seigniorie lying upon that River, and that the Towne it selfe is able to put 700. fighting men into the fielde, besides the force of the Province it selfe.
The king of the sayd Province is called Menatonon, a man impotent in his lims, but otherwise for a Savage, a very grave and wise man, and of a very singular good discourse in matters concerning the state, not onely of his owne Countrey, and the disposition of his owne men, but also of his neighbours round about him as well farre as neere, and of the commodities that eache Countrey yeeldeth. When I had him prisoner with me, for two dayes that we were together, he gave mee more understanding and light of the Countrey then I had received by all the searches and Savages that before I or any of my companie had had conference with: it was in March last past 1586. Amongst other things he tolde me, that going three dayes journey in a Canoe up his River of Chawanook, and then descending to the land, you are within foure dayes journey to passe over land Northeast to a certaine kings countrey, whose Province lyeth upon the Sea, but his place of greatest strength is an Island situate, as he described unto mee, in a Bay, the water round about the Island very deepe.
Out of this Bay hee signified unto mee, that this King had so greate quantitie of Pearle, and doeth so ordinarily take the same, as that not onely his owne skinnes that hee weareth, and the better sort of his gentlemen and followers are full set with the sayd Pearle, but also his beds, and houses are garnished with them, and that hee hath such quantitie of them, that it is a wonder to see.
He shewed me that the sayd King was with him at Chawanook two yeeres before, and brought him certaine Pearle, but the same of the worst sort, yet was he faine to buy them of him for copper at a deere rate, as he thought. Hee gave mee a rope of the same pearle, but they were blacke, and naught, yet many of them were very great, and a few amongst a number very orient and round, all which I lost with other things of mine, comming aboord Sir Francis Drake his Fleete; yet he tolde me that the sayd King had great store of Pearle that were white, great, and round, and that his blacke Pearle his men did take out of shallow water, but the white Pearle his men fished for in very deepe water.
It seemed to me by his speach, that the sayd King had traffique with white men that had clothes as we have, for these white Pearle, and that was the reason that hee would not depart with other then with blacke Pearles, to those of the same countrey.
The king of Chawanook promised to give me guids to go over land into that kings countrey whensoever I would: but he advised me to take good store of men with me, and good store of victuall, for he said, that king would be loth to suffer any strangers to enter into his Countrey, and especially to meddle with the fishing for any Pearle there, and that hee was able to make a great many of men in to the field, which he sayd would fight very well.
Hereupon I resolved with my selfe, that if your supplie had come before the ende of Aprill, and that you had sent any store of boates or men, to have had them made in any reasonable time, with a sufficient number of men and victuals to have found us untill the newe corne were come in, I would have sent a small barke with two pinnesses about by Sea to the Northward to have found out the Bay he spake of, and to have sounded the barre if there were any, which should have ridden there in the sayd Bay about that Iland, while I with all the small boates I could make, and with two hundred men would have gone up to the head of the river of Chawanook with the guids that Menatonon would have given me, which I would have bene assured should have beene of his best men, (for I had his best beloved sonne prisoner with me) who also should have kept me companie in an handlocke with the rest, foote by foote, all the voyage over land.
My meaning was further at the head of the River in the place of my descent where I would have left my boates, to have raised a sconse with a small trench, and a pallisado upon the top of it, in the which, and in the guard of my boates I would have left five and twentie, or thirtie men, with the rest would I have marched with as much victuall as every man could have caried, with their furniture, mattocks, spades and axes, two dayes journey. In the ende of my march upon some convenient plot would I have raised another sconse according to the former, where I would have left fiftene or twentie. And if it would have fallen out conveniently, in the way I would have raised my saide sconse upon some Corne fielde, that my company might have lived upon it.
And so I would have holden this course of insconsing every two dayes march, untill I had bene arrived at the Bay or Port hee spake of: which finding to bee worth the possession, I would there have raised a maine fort, both for the defence of the harborough, and our shipping also, and would have reduced our whole habitation from Roanoak and from the harborough and port there (which by proofe is very naught) unto this other before mentioned, from whence, in the foure dayes march before specified, could I at al times returne with my company back unto my boates riding under my sconse, very neere whereunto directly from the West runneth a most notable River, and in all those parts most famous, called the River of Moratoc. This River openeth into the broad Sound of Weapomeiok. And whereas the River of Chawanook, and all the other Sounds, and Bayes, salt and fresh, shewe no current in the world in calme weather, but are mooved altogether with the winde: This River of Moratoc hath so violent a current from the West and Southwest, that it made me almost of opinion that with oares it would scarse be navigable: it passeth with many creekes and turnings, and for the space of thirtie miles rowing, and more, it is as broad as the Thames betwixt Greenwich and the Isle of dogges, in some places more, and in some lesse: the current runneth as strong, being entred so high into the River, as at London bridge upon a vale water.
And for that not onely Menatonon, but also the Savages of Moratoc themselves doe report strange things of the head of that River, it is thirtie dayes as some of them say, and some say fourtie dayes voyage to the head thereof, which head they say springeth out of a maine rocke in that abundance, that forthwith it maketh a most violent streame: and further, that this huge rock standeth so neere unto a Sea, that many times in stormes (the winde comming outwardly from the sea) the waves thereof are beaten into the said fresh streame, so that the fresh water for a certaine space, groweth salt and brackish: I tooke a resolution with my selfe, having dismissed Menatonon upon a ransome agreed for, and sent his sonne into the pinnesse to Roanoak, to enter presently so farre into that River with two double whirries, and fourtie persons one or other, as I could have victuall to cary us, until we could meete with more either of the Moraroks, or of the Mangoaks, which is another kinde of Savages, dwelling more to the Westward of the said River: but the hope of recovering more victuall from the Savages made mee and my company as narrowly to escape starving in that discoverie before our returne, as ever men did, that missed the same.
For Pemisapan, who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his brother Granganimo, had given both the Choanists, and Mangoaks worde of my purpose towarde them, I having bene inforced to make him privie to the same, to bee served by him of a guide to the Mangoaks, and yet hee did never rest to solicite continually my going upon them, certifying mee of a generall assembly even at that time made by Menatonon at Chawanook of all his Weroances, and allies to the number of three thousand bowes, preparing to come upon us at Roanoak, and that the Mangoaks also were joyned in the same confederacie, who were able of themselves to bring as many more to the enterprise: And true it was that at that time the assembly was holden at Chawanook about us, as I found at my comming thither, which being unlooked for dido dismay them, as it made us have the better hand at them. But this confederacie against us of the Choanists and Mangoaks was altogether and wholly procured by Pemisapan himselfe, as Menatonon confessed unto me, who sent them continual word, that our purpose was fully bent to destroy them: on the other side he told me, that they had the like meaning towards us.”
“And that which made me most desirous to have some doings with the Mangoaks either in friendship or otherwise to have had one or two of them prisoners, was, for that it is a thing most notorious to all the countrey, that there is a Province to the which the said Mangoaks have recourse and trafique up that River of Moratoc, which hath a marveilous and most strange Minerall. This Mine is so notorious amongst them, as not onely to the Savages dwelling up the said river, and also to the Savages of Chawanook, and all them to the Westward, but also to all them of the maine: the Countreis name is of fame, and is called Chaunis Temoatan.
The Minerall they say is Wassador, which is copper, but they call by the name of Wassador every mettall whatsoever: they say it is of the colour of our copper, but our copper is better then theirs: and the reason is for that it is redder and harder, whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan is very soft, and pale: they say that they take the saide mettall out of a river that falleth very swift from hie rockes and hils, and they take it in shallow water: the maner is this. They take a great bowle by their description as great as one of our targets, and wrappe a skinne over the hollow parte thereof, leaving one part open to receive in the minerall: that done, they watch the comming downe of the current, and the change of the colour of the water, and then suddenly chop downe the said bowle with the skinne, and receive into the same as much oare as will come in, which is ever as much as their bowle will holde, which presently they cast into a fire, and foorthwith it melteth, and doeth yeeld in five parts at the first melting, two parts of mettall for three partes of oare. Of this mettall the Mangoaks have so great store, by report of all the Savages adjoyning, that they beautify their houses with greate plates of the same: and this to be true, I received by report of all the countrey, and particularly by yong Skiko, the King of Chawanooks sonne of my prisoner, who also him selfe had bene prisoner with the Mangoaks, and set downe all the particularities to me before mentioned: but he had not bene at Chaunis Temoatan himselfe: for hee said it was twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks, to the said Minerall Countrey, and that they passed through certaine other territories betweene them and the Mangoaks, before they came to the said Countrey.
Upon report of the premisses, which I was very inquisitive in all places where I came to take very particular information of by all the Savages that dwelt towardes these parts, and especially of Menatonon himselfe, who in every thing did very particularly informe mee, and promised me guides of his owne men, who should passe over with me, even to the said Country of Chaunis Temoatan (for overland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey from Sunne rising to Sunne setting, whereas by water it is seven dayes with the soonest”
“Wherefore a good harborough found to the Northward, as before is saide, and from thence foure dayes overland, to the River of Choanoak sconses being raised, from whence againe overland through the province of Choanoak one dayes voyage to the first towne of the Mangoaks up the river of Moratico by the way, as also upon the said River for the defence of our boats like sconses being set, in this course of proceeding you shall cleare your selfe from al those dangers and broad shallow sounds before mentioned, and gaine within foure dayes travell into the heart of the maine 200. miles at the least, and so passe your discovery into that most notable countrey, and to the likeliest parts of the maine, with farre greater felicitie then otherwise can bee performed.”
“In mine absence on my voyage that I had made against the Chaonists, and Mangoaks, they had raised a brute among themselves, that I and my company were part slaine, and part starved by the Chaonists, and Mangoaks. One part of this tale was too true, that I and mine were like to be starved, but the other false.
Neverthelesse untill my returne it tooke such effect in Pemisapans breast, and in those against us, that they grew not onely into contempt of us, but also (contrary to their former reverend opinion in shew, of the Almightie God of heaven, and Iesus Christ whom wee serve and worship, whom before they would acknowledge and confesse the onely God) now they began to blaspheme, and flatly to say, that our Lorde God was not God, since hee suffered us to sustaine much hunger, and also to be killed of the Renapoaks, for so they call by that generall name all the inhabitants of the whole maine, of what province soever. Insomuch as olde Ensenore, neither any of his fellowes, could for his sake have no more credite for us: and it came so farre that the king was resolved to have presently gone away as is aforesaid.
But even in the beginning of this bruite I returned, which when hee sawe contrary to his expectation, and the advertisement that hee had received: that not onely my selfe, and my company were all safe, but also by report of his owne 3. Savages which had bene with mee besides Manteo in that voyage, that is to say, Tetepano, his sisters husband Eracano, and Cossine, that the Chanoists and Mangoaks (whose name and multitude besides their valour is terrible to all the rest of the provinces) durst not for the most part of them abide us, and that those that did abide us were killed, and that we had taken Menatonon prisoner, and brought his sonne that he best loved to Roanoak with mee, it did not a little asswage all devises against us: on the other side, it made Ensenores opinions to be received againe with greater respects. For he had often before tolde them, and then renewed those his former speeches, both to the King and the rest, that wee were the servants of God, and that wee were not subject to bee destroyed by them: but contrarywise, that they amongst them that sought our destruction, shoulde finde their owne, and not bee able to worke ours, and that we being dead men were able to doe them more hurt, then now we could do being alive: an opinion very confidently at this day holden by the wisest amongst them, and of their old men, as also, that they have bene in the night, being 100. miles from any of us, in the aire shot at, and stroken by some men of ours, that by sicknesse had died among them: and many of them holde opinion, that we be dead men returned into the world againe, and that wee doe not remaine dead but for a certaine time, and that then we returne againe.’’
“Within certaine dayes after my returne from the sayd journey, Menatonon sent a messenger to visite his sonne the prisoner with me, and sent me certaine pearle for a present, or rather, as Pemisapan tolde mee, for the ransome of his sonne, and therefore I refused them: but the greatest cause of his sending then, was to signifie unto mee, that hee had commaunded Okisko King of Weopomiok, to yeelde himselfe servant, and homager, to the great Weroanza of England, and after her to Sir Walter Raleigh: to perfourme which commandement received from Menatonon, the sayde Okiosko joyntly with this Menatonons messenger sent foure and twentie of his principallest men to Roanoak to Pemisapan, to signifie that they were ready to perfourme the same, and so had sent those his men to let mee knowe that from that time forwarde, hee, and his successours were to acknowledge her Maiestie their onely Soveraigne, and next unto her, as is aforesayd.”
”The day of their assembly aforesaid at Roanoak was appointed the 10. of June: all which the premises were discovered by Skyco, the King Menatonon his sonne my prisoner, who having once attempted to run away, I laid him in the bylboes, threatening to cut off his head, whom I remitted at Pemisapans request: whereupon hee being perswaded that hee was our enemie to the death, he did not onely feed him with himselfe, but also made him acquainted with all his practises. On the other side, the yong man finding himselfe as well used at my hande, as I had meanes to shew, and that all my company made much of him, he flatly discovered al unto me, which also afterwards was reveiled unto me by one of Pemisapans owne men, that night before he was slaine.”
“But the towne tooke the alarme before I meant it to them: the occasion was this, I had sent the Master of the light horsemen, with a fewe with him, to gather up all the canoas in the setting of the Sun, and to take as many as were going from us to Dasamonquepeio, but to suffer any that came from thence, to land. He met with a canoa, going from the shore, and overthrew the canoa, and cut off two Savages heads: this was not done so secretly but he was discovered from the shore; whereupon the cry arose: for in trueth they, privy to their owne villanous purposes against us, held as good espial upon us, both day and night, as we did upon them.
The alarme given, they tooke themselves to their bowes, and we to our armes: some three or foure of them at the first were slaine with our shot; the rest fled into the woods. The next morning with the light horsemen and one Canoa taking 25 with the Colonel of the Chesepians, and the Sergeant maior, I went to Dasamonquepeio: and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by one of his owne Savages that met me at the shore, that I was going to Croatoan, and meant to take him in the way to complaine unto him of Osocon, who the night past was conveying away my prisoner, whom I had there present tied in an handlocke. Heereupon the king did abide my comming to him, and finding myselfe amidst seven or eight of his principall Weroances and followers, (not regarding any of the common sort) I gave the watch-word agreed upon, (which was, Christ our victory) and immediatly those his chiefe men and himselfe had by the mercy of God for our deliverance, that which they had purposed for us. The king himselfe being shot thorow by the Colonell with a pistoll, lying on the ground for dead, and I looking as watchfully for the saving of Manteos friends, as others were busie that none of the rest should escape, suddenly he started up, and ran away as though he had not bene touched, insomuch as he overran all the company, being by the way shot thwart the buttocks by mine Irish boy with my petronell. In the end an Irish man serving me, one Nugent, and the deputy provost, undertooke him; and following him in the woods, overtooke him: and I in some doubt least we had lost both the king and my man by our owne negligence to have beene intercepted by the Savages, wee met him returning out of the woods with Pemisapans head in his hand.”
John Smith, the General History of Virginia
The severall languages.
“Southward we went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search for them left by Mr White. Amongst those people are thus many severall Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans Territories. The Chawonockes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesahanocks, the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. All those not any one vnderstandeth another but by Interpreters. Their severall habitations are more plainly described by this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eye, the way of the mountaines, and current of the rivers, with their severall turnings, bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters, the distances of places, and such like. In which Mappe obserue this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other places haue beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set downe according to their instructions.”
29 December 1608
The good counsell of Warraskoyack.
“This company being victualled but for three or foure dayes, lodged the first night at Warraskoyack, where the President tooke sufficient provision. This kind King did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan, but perceiuing he could not prevaile, he advised in this manner. Captaine Smith, you shall find Powhatan to vse you kindly, but trust him not, and be sure he haue no oportunitie to seize on your Armes; for he hath sent for you onely to cut your throats. The Captaine thanking him for his good counsell: yet the better to try his loue, desired guides to Chawwonock; for he would send a present to that King, to bind him his friend. To performe this iourney was sent Mr Sicklemore, a very valiant, honest, and a painefull Souldier: with him two guides, and directions how to seeke for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleighs, and silke Grasse. Then we departed thence, the President assuring the King perpetuall loue; and left with him Samuel Collier his Page to learne the Language.”
Three Months Later
Master Sicklemores Iourney to Chawwonoke
“Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawwonoke; but found little hope and lesse certaintie of them were left by Sir Walter Raleigh. The riuer, he saw was not great, the people few, the countrey most over growne with pynes, where there did grow here and there straglingly Pemminaw, we call silke grasse. But by the riuer the ground was good, and exceeding furtill;”
February 1622 John Pory’s Visit to the Chowans, recorded in Smith’s General History of Virginia.
In February also he trauelled to the South River Chawonock some sixtie miles ouer land which he found to be a uery fruitful and pleasant Country, yielding two haruests in a yeere and found much of the silke grasse formerly spoken of Was kindly vsed by the people and so returned.
In John Pory/ 1572-1636, The Life and Letters of a Man of Many Parts, by William Powell (Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press) 1977, several more descriptions are found. Apparently John had written a detailed report of his explorations which is now lost, but several summaries of his report were variously published from which we can reconstruct his visit to the Chowanoke:
Reverend Patrick Copland
"Virginia's God be Thanked, or a Sermon of Thanksgiving For the Happie successe of the affayres in Virginia this past yeare"
in John Pory, page 100-101 :
"Maister Pory deserves good incouragement for his paineful Discoveries to the South-ward, as far as the Choanoack, who although he hath trod on a litle good ground, hath past through great forest of Pynes 15. or 16. myle broad and above 60. myle long, which will serve well for Masts for Shipping, and for pitch and Tarre when we shall come to extend our plantations to those borders. On the other side of the River there is a fruitfull Countrie blessed with an aboundance of Corne, reaped twise a yeere: above which is the Copper Mines, by all of all places generally affirmed. Hee hath also met with a great deale of silke grasse which grows there monethly of which Maister Harriot, hath affirmed in print many yeares ago, that it will make silke Growgrains, and of which and Cotton woll all the Cambaya and Bengala stuffes are made in the East Indies."
"A Note of the Shipping, Men and Provisions Sent and Provided for Virginia... in the yeere 1621" (The Virginia Company's broadside, published in 1622)
in John Pory page 101 :
"In February last he likewise discovered to the South River, some 60. miles overland from us, a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey, full of Rivers, wherin are two harvests in one yeere (the great King giving him friendly entertainment, and desirous to make a league with us) he hath found also there in great quantity of the same Silke-grass, (as appeareth by the samples he sent us) whereof Master Heriott in his book 1587, makes relation, who then brought home some of it, with which a piece of Grogeran was made, and given to Queen Elizabeth, and some heere who have lived in the East Indies affirme, that they make all their Cambaya Stuffes of this, and Cotten-wooll.
"Älso in his passage by land, Master Pory discovered a Country, full of Pine trees, above twenty miles long, whereby a great abondance of Pitch and Tarre may be made: and other sorts of woos there were, bit for Pot-ashes and Sope-ashes.
"The Indians have made relation of a Coper-mine, that is not far from thence, how they gather it, and the strange making of it: a piece whereof was sent home, being found (after triall) very excellent metall."
Same information as above printed in a pamphlet by Edward Waterhouse, "A Declaration of the the State of the Colonie and Affaires in Virginia" published 1622. (J. Pory, 101)
Silk Grass is Yucca Filamentosa or bear grass (J. Pory, 101)
1649 Account, in J. Pory, page 102 :
"Maister Pory... reported the king there told him, that within ten days Jouney Westward towards the Sun setting, there were a people that did gather out of the river sand, the which they washed in Sives, and had a thing out of it, that they then put into the Fire, which melted & became like to our Copper, and offered to send some of his People to guide him to that place. But master Pory being not provided with men as he would have of English, he returned to Sir George Yearly, and acquainted him with the Relation."
1650 Account, in J. Pory, page 102 :
"The Natives of that Countrey gathered a kinde of a Red Sand falling with a streame issuing from a Mountaine, which being washed in a sive, and set upon the fire speedily melts and becomes some Copper."
While in New England later that year, (J. Pory, page 105) Pory wrote:"Of the language of the Natives about Plymmouth and Cape Cod," "I have collected a small dictionarie, wherein I finde manie words agreeing with those of the South Colonie, and of the eastern shore of the bay."
A clue to Chowanoke language?
Champlin Burrage, John Pory's Lost Description of Plymouth Colony in the Earliest Days of the Pilmgrim Fathers Boston, 1918) p. 44
RECORDS OF THE THIRD ANGLO POWHATAN WAR - 1644-1646
Third Anglo-Powhatan War Records
Pertaining to the Southern Campaign against indians living in Carolina
Lower Norfolk County, Virginia Court Records,
Book "A" 1637-1646 & Book "B" 1646-1651/2
ed. Alice Granbery Walter, Clearfield Company Inc, Baltimore, 2002
15 Aug 1645
Wheras John Cole was by CAPT:EDWARD WINDHAM appoynted to bee of that number which should sett forth GEORGE RUTLAND the Southward March and is since departed the parish by which meanes the said RUTLAND is dampinfied in his Cropp for want of 2 days and a halfes worke which should have beene payd him by the said COLE there being none appoynted by him to pay it before his departure It is therefore ordered according to the order of the last Councell of Warre that Rutland shall be satisfyed 40 lb tob per day
In sattisfaccon of the said work which amounted to the full quantity of 100 lb tob out of the said COLES estate and allsoe 15 lb tob charges And an attachmt to issue forth against the said COLES estate for the paymt of the aforesaid tob.
Whereas is was ordered at a Court of Warre holden at the howse of RICHARD BENNETT ESQ: the 12 Mar last past that everyone that setts out a man for the Southward March should paye & satisgye unto him that went work for his paynes equally and proporconably during the tyme of his absence from home upon the said service And in case any default were in paying the worke at the tyme when it should be appoynted And by sufficient hands That party of partyes delinquent should for any such default pay the quantity of 40 lb tob per day Nowe for as much as GEOFRFY WEIGHT hath denyed and utterly refused to make paaymt of 2 days worke and a halfe to GEORGE RUTLAND being his equall & proporconable share It is therefore ordered that the said GEROFREY WAGHT shall pay and satisfy unto the said RUTLAND the full quantity of 100 lb tob and allsoe 15 lb tob charges 10 Nov next ensueing otherwise execution
At a meeting of the Councell of Warre for the associated Countyes the 25 Oct 1645
Present: CAPT: THO: WILLOWGHBY RICHARD BENNETT ESQR:
CAPT: JNO SIBSEY CAPT: EDWARD WINDHAM
CAPT: THO: DEWE MR: RICHARD PRESTON
ANTHONY JONES MR: ffRANCIS HOUGH
These somes of tob hereafter exprest are allowed and approved to bee due from the associated Countyes In the psecucon of the Warre. And appoynted to bee paid as followeth: lb
To JNO: MERRIDAY for trimming & mending the boats 0600
To CAPT: THO: WILLOWGHBY for disbursmts per his acct 1644
To MR: MATHEW PHILLIPPS by his acct: 0150
To THO: WARD Chirurgeon for his paynes & Charge 1000
To HENRICK (LIGHTHART? no last name given)
for the hire of his boats 0600
To BARTH: HOSKINS for his boate twice 1400
To WM: BASNETT by his acct: 0270
To JOHN GARRET for cheese 0800
To RICHARD WELLS for cheese 0200
To RICHARD EXEM for ABRAHAMS dyett 0250
To MR: RICHARD PRESTON for worke in the transporting soldiers and
for a chest lost 0196
To MR: RICHARD BENNETT by his acct 9259
To JOHN SKULL? for a Cutlace lost 0100
To WM: BROOKES for goods lost ye boat being cast away 0200
To NATH: STYLES for goods lost in the said boat 0150
To EVAN WOOLADS for goods lost in the said boat 0250
To ARTH: JONES for boat hyre provisions, powder and shott 1308
To MR: JOHN MOORE for a boat lost 0600
To ABRAHAM PITTS for losse of his tyme & Cropp being wounded in the service 0800
Brought from the other side 19777
To Mr: TRISTAM NASWORTHY for boat hyre &c 1099
To him that was bitten by a snakes toward the losse of his tyme & cropp 00246
To JAMES KNOTTS for boat hyre &c 00246
To XOPFER ACKELEY Chirurgeon for the voyage 1000 lb and for cure of
Abraham and him that was hurt by a snake 600 lb is all 01000
To MR: PHILLIPP BENNETT for hyre of his boate 0700
at 10 per cent is 02678
To WM: (or MR?) BROOKE for a Case broken 00050
To 80 soldiers by order to receive 10 lb tob per head is 08000
To the Sherriffe for Colleccon of 8050 at 10 per cent 00805
in all _____________
It is ordered that for satisfaccon of the aovesaid somme of 38314 lb tob there bee levied of every tythable person within the county of Lower Norfff: 28 lb per polle and uppon every tytheable person in the Countyes of Upper and Lower Norff: and the Isle of Wight 31 lb tob per polle IN regard of victuals which are brought into this account then those of Lower Norff did. And that the sharriffes of the aforesaid Countyes respectively shall collect the aforesid some of 28 & 31 lb per polle this present yeare and paye the same as it is appoynted. It is ordered
and forasmuch as those whoe have been hyred and imployed as scouts doe expect to bb cleared of levyes pretending to bee free by their imploymt. It is further ordered that neyther they nor any other tytheable person whatsoever shall bee free from paymt axcepting such as are exempted by act of Assembly or by order of the County Courts.
EDW: WINDHAM THO: WILLOWGHBY
THO: DEWE RI: BENNETT
RICH: PRESTON JOHN SIBSEY
ffRA: HOUGH ANTH: JONES
p. 197 (continued, next entry)
Att a County Court holden the 3 Nov 1645
At the howse of WILLIAM SHIPP
CAPT: THOMAS WILLOWHGBY ESQR:
CAPT: EDWARD WINDHAM MR: THOMAS MEARES
MR: ffRANCIS MASON MR: THOMAS LAMBERD
MR: EDWARD LOYD MR: MATH: PHILLIPPS
It is ordered that those 39 men which are allotted with MR: BURROWGHS to sett out a man for the scout doe pay and allowe theire equall share proporconably to HENRY HILL for mending a Chest which MR: BURROUGHS passed for upon acct and to pay a 8 lb tob fee for this order
p. 198 (3 Nov 1645 continued)
Whereas by order from the Councell of Warre all persons whatsoever being inhabitants of this County fir theire safeguard and defence upon the salvages, according to the number of people in their severall families were proporconably allotted to sett out our and mayntaine men in manner of a Scout this present yeare last past And whereas divers persons have beene or may bee negligent in the bringing in or alloweance toward their provisions of powder and shott and other necessaryes and in paymt of their tob of corne to such party or soldier by them hyred for the said imploymt And allsoe doe or shall refuse to bring their Severall shares of tob or corne unto one place to be appoynted by him who hath beene the Cheife undertaker for the sallart to the next party hyred for the said service. All which is contrary to the tenor and true meaning of the said Councell of Warre and allsoe contrary to their owne contract and agreemt. It is therefore ordered by the Court that the severall Lymitts precincts respectively be hereby authorized and by vertue of this order shall have full power to distreyine for full satisfaation upon the estates goods or Chattles of all persons whatsoever which have been or may bee hereafter deliquest in all or any the premises. And the Constable shall receive of or may distrayne upon such delinquents 30 lb per cent for his paynes taken in or about the said distresse
p. 200 (3 Nov 1645 continued)
The generall Levy made and assented unto by ye Councell of Warre for the associated Countyes for every tytheable person in this whole County is per polle 28 lb tob
Soe the Levye in the totall in the totall for Lynnhaven Parish is 59 lb tob per polle
And the Levy in the totall for Elizabeth River Parish is 63 lb tob per Polle
All the tobabboes Levyed as aforesaid and to bee collected by the Sherriffe this present yeare of 305 tytheable persons the thewhole County and as is before exprest amounts in the totall to the summe of 18655 lb
p. 201 (3 Nov 1645) Know all men by these presents that I THOMAS WARD of Lynhaven in the County of Lower Norff: Chirurgeon did by the Command of CAPT: THOS: WILLOWHGBY serve in an expidition against the Indians to Yawopyin als Rawanoake as Chirurgeon to the whole company and did divers Cures upon severall men in the said service for which I am to receive sattisfaccon from the associating Countyes of the Isle of Wight, Upper and Lower Norff: Nowe I the said THOMAS WARD for and toward the satisfacon of a debt due from mee to XPOFER: BURROWGHS of Lynhaven aforesaid and for divers other good causes and considerations mee thereunto moveing have given, granted, confirmed, assigned and sett over unto him the said XPOFER: his heires &c fully ffreely clearely and absolutely all and every such some or sommes of tob as are due unto me for my service or sures done in that expedition to have hold receive take and enjoyall and every part of parcell thereof for evermore to his or theyre proper use as his or theyre own goods or estate. And I doe hereby authorize him the said XPOFER his heires &c to demand and receive all and every the said some of somes of tobacco due to mee as aforesaid and for default of paymt to take such course against the xxx?xxx as he the said XPOFER his heires &c shall thinke fitt and upon receipt thereof one or more aquittances discharge or discharges more to make seale and deliver the same and more of more Attorney or Attorneys to substitute and appoynt and againe and againe at his pleasure to revoke and further doe whatsoever shall bee needfull and about the premises And lastly I doe hereby doe and will ratify confirme and allow whatsoever be or they shall lawfully doe or cause to bee done in or about the same Irrevocably In witness whereof I have hereunto sett my hand this 20 Sep 1645
In presence of THOMAS WARD Chirurgeon
JOHN (D) DYER
P. 208 (15 Dec 1645)
Whereas THOMAS WARD is indebted unto THOMAS TOOKER for levyes and fees 582 lb tob due the last yeare as appeares unto the Court. The Court doth thereupon thinke fitt and accordingly order that THOMAS TOOKER shall discount the said 582 lb tob with the said WARD out of the 600 lb tob which is awared out of the levyes by the last Assembly to bee paid the said WARD for his paynes being Chirurgeon at the Chickahommie March else exec
p. 220 (16 Feb 1645/6)
Whereas I THOMAS WARD have assigned unto xpofer BURROWGHS all such pay or wages as were due me for my service to Yawopan als Rowanoake and whereas 1000 lb tob is appointed to bee paid by mee for the said service I doe hereby acknowledge Judgt against the said 1000 lb tob to to the said XPOFER BURROWGHS in part payment of a debt of 3000 lb tob due to the said XPOFER from me witness my hand
1644, - 1646 invasion of North Carolina from Virginia, affidavit of Henry Plumpton in 1708, from the Colonial Records (Saunders):
25 March 1708 (7?)
Henry Plumpton aged eighty six years or thereabouts Deposeth that he hath lived in the County now called Nansemond formerly Upper Norfolk about seventy four years and that after the Right Honble Sr Wm Barkley was made Governor of Virginia he was amongst divers others at sevll times sent out against the Southern Indians Once particularly by land under the Command of Major Genll Bennett and once by Water under Coll Dew which to the best of his Remembrance Was about the year 1646 in which expedition he well remembers that after they had entered Corrotuck, they proceeded up the Sound to Chowan as far as the mouth of Weyanook Creek where they had a fight with the Indians and had a man killed by them And also about two years after a peace being concluded with the Indians the said Deponent with one Thomas Tuke of the Isle of Wight County and severall others made a purchase from the Indians of all the Land from the mouth of the Morratuck River to the mouth of Weyanook Creek aforesaid which the Indians then shewed them, Which the deponent knew to be the same place where the man above mentioned was Killed and lyes (to the best of his Judgement and remembrance) about twenty or twenty five miles above the mouth of Morattuck River but the Deponent never heard the Blackwater Nottaway or Maherine Rivers or either of them called by the name of Weyanook Creek
1644 – Basse Prayer Book Record
Edward Basse sonne of Nath'll & Mary Basse yt unregenerated by the Spirit
of God took in marriage one virtuous Indian mayd'n by the Christian name
of Mary Tucker and went to live amongst the Shownanocs in Carolina in
1644 A.D. - He went to Carolina in later years in persute of trade and
not in 1644
August 31, 1650 – Edward Bland’s venture to explore North Carolina with Appomatock and Nottoway Guides.
“After we had passed over this River we travelled some twenty miles further upon a pyny barren Champion Land to Hocomawananck River, South, and by West: some twelve miles from Brewsters River we came unto a path running crosse some twenty yards on each side unto two remarkeable
Trees; at this path our Appamattuck Guide made a stop, and cleared the Westerly end of the path with his foote, being demanded the meaning of it, he shewed an unwillingnesse to relate it, sighing very much: Whereupon we made a stop untill Oyeocker our other Guide came up, and then our Ap-
pamattuck Guide journied on; but Oyeocker at his comming up cleared the other end of the path, and prepared himselfe in a most serious manner to require our attentions, and told us that many yeares since their late great Emperour Appa- chancano, came thither to make a War upon the Tuskarood, in revenge of three of his men killed, and one wounded, who escaped, and brought him word of the other three murthered by the Hocomawananck Indians for lucre of the Roanoake they brought with them to trade for Otter skins. There accompanyed Appachancano severall petty Kings that were under him, amongst which there was one King of a Towne called Pawhatan, which had long time harboured a grudge against the King of Chawan, about a yong woman that the King of Chawan had detayned of the King of Pawhatan: Now it hapned that the King of Chawan was invited by the King of Pawhatan to this place under pretence to present him with a Guift of some great vallew, and there they met accordingly, and the King of Pawhatan went to salute and embrace the King of Chawan, and stroaking of him after their usuall manner, he whipt a bow string about the King of Chawans neck, and strangled him; and how that in memoriall of this, the path is continued unto this day, and the friends of the Pawhatans when they passe that way, cleanse the Westerly end of the path, and the friends of the Chawans the other. And some two miles from this path we came unto an Indian Grave upon the East side of the path: Upon this Grave there lay a great heape of sticks covered with greene boughs, we demanded the reason of it, Oyeocker told us, that there lay a great man of the Chawans that dyed
in the same quarrell, and in honour of his memory they continue greene boughs over his Grave to this day; and ever when they goe forth to Warre they relate his, and other valorous, loyall Acts, to their yong men, to annimate them to doe the like when occasion requires.”
July 5, 1653 Act of the Virginia General Assembly concerning a land patent to Roger Green and the inhabitants of Nansemond River in Virginia
VPON the petition of Roger Green, clarke, on the behalfe of himselfe, and inhabitants of Nansemund river, It is ordered by this present Grand Assembly than tenn thousand acres of land be granted unto one hundred such persons who shall first seate on Moratuck or Roanoke river and the land lying upon the south side of Choan river and the branches thereof, Provided that such seaters settle advantageously for security, and be sufficiently furnished with amunition and strength, and it is further ordered by the authority aforesaid, That there be granted to the said Roger Green, the rights of one thousand acres of land and choice to take the same where it shall seem most convenient to him, next to those persons who have had a former grant in reward of his charge, hazard and trouble of first discoverie, and encouragement of others for seating those southern parts of Virginia.
June 30, 1665, Charles II King of England, Charter to the Lords Proprietors, Colonial Records
…And because that in so remote a country, and situate among so many barbarous nations, the invasions of savages and other enemies, pirates and robbers, may probably be feared; therefore, we have given, and for us, our heirs and successors, do give power by these presents, unto the said Edward Earl of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven, John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carteret, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, their heirs or assigns, by themselves, or their captains, or other officers, to levy, muster and train up all sorts of men, of what condition soever, or wheresoever born, whether in the said province, or elsewhere, for the time being; and to make war, and pursue the enemies aforesaid, as well by sea, as by land; yea, even without the limits of the said province, and, by God's assistance, to vanquish and take them; and being taken, to put them to death, by the law of war, and to save them at their pleasure, and to do all and every other thing, which to the charge and office of a captain-general of an army, hath had the same…
1663 - Entered into treaty with the English, in which they "submitted themselves to the Crown of England under the Dominion of the Lord Proprietors."
(RDW Connor, History of North Carolina)
September 09, 1663 Letter from the Lords Proprietors of Carolina to Thomas Modyford and Peter Colleton, Colonial Records
“wee have a Setlement begann upon the river Chowan in the lattitude of 35 or thereabouts to which place we have ordered a governor to be sent from Virginia, and have proposed for his support the fur trade or such a parte of it as may be sufficient; untill the people shalbe able to provide other ways for him if some such thing may be found out…”
December 11, 1666 Agreement between Maryland and Virginia, Colonial Records
“And whereas the sd. Wm Drummond Esqr and the Assembly of Albemarle County aforesaid did make an Act prohibiting the sowing setting, planting or any waies tending any Tobacco from the said first of February one thousand six hundred sixty six, to ye first of February, one thousand six hundred sixty seven. But the said Act so made could not Transmitt to the sd Govrs of Virginia and Maryland before the fifth of October last past by reason of an Invac̄on of their neighbouring Indians by which laps of a few daies occationed by the sd Invac̄on…”
March 01, 1669 The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina – Colonial Records
35th. The chancellor's court, consisting of one of the Proprietors, and his six counsellors, who shall be called vice chancellors, shall have the custody of the seal of the Palatine, under which charters of lands or otherwise, commissions and grants of the Palatine's court, shall pass. And it shall not be lawful to put the seal of the Palatinate to any writing, which is not signed by the Palatine or his deputy, and three other Proprietors or their deputies. To this court also belong all state matters, despatches, and treaties with the neighbour Indians. To this court also belong all invasions of the law, of liberty, of conscience, and all invasions of the public peace, upon pretence of religion, as also the license of printing. The twelve assistants belonging to this court, shall be called recorders.
39th. The Constable's Court, consisting of one of the Proprietors and his six counsellors, who shall be called Marshalls shall order and determine of all military affairs by land, and all land forces, arms, ammunition, artillery, garrisons and forts, &c. and whatever belongs unto war. His twelve assistants shall be called Lieutenant Generals.
40th. In time of actual war, the Constable while he is in the army, shall be general of the army; and the six Counsellors, or such of them as the Palatine's Court shall for that time or service appoint, shall be the immediate great officers under him, and the Lieutenant Generals next to them.
January 20, 1670 Acts of the Albemarle County General Assembly
AN ACT PROHIBITING STRANGERS TRADING WITH THE INDIANS.
For as much as there is often recourse of Strangers from other parts into this County to truck and trade with the Indians which is conceived may prove very prejudiciall Wherefore be it enacted by the Pallatine and Lords Proprietors by and with the advice and consent of the Grand Assembly and the authority thereof that if any person or persons of what quallity or Condition soever they be shall presume to come into this County to truck or trade with any of our neighbouring Indians belonging to the County or that shall be found to have any Indian trade purchased from them or being found or appearing that they come to trade with any Indians as aforesaid Whether in their Townes or elsewhere within the County which is hereby left for the Magistrate to judge it shall bee lawfull for any person or persons to apprehend any such persons or Forreigners that shall be found amongst the Indians or elsewhere within the limitts of the County and him or them bring before the Governor or any one of the Councell who shall hereby have power to comitt them to prison there to abide till they have paid tenn thousand pounds of tobacco and caske otherwise to stand to the censure of the Vice Pallatine and Councell And it is further declared that whatsoever Trade is found with the person apprehended One halfe thereof and one halfe of the fine shall belong to the Apprehendor and the other halfe to the Lords Proprietors.
November 08, 1672 - December 09, 1672 Journal of George Fox - Colonial Records
“Having visited the north part of Carolina, and made a little entrance for the truth among the people there, we began to return again towards Virginia, having several meetings in our way, wherein we had good service for the Lord, the people being generally tender and open; blessed be the Lord! We lay one night at the secretary's, to which we had much ado to get; for the water being shallow, we could not bring our boat to shore. But the secretary's wife, seeing our strait, came herself in a canoe, her husband being from home, and brought us to land. By next morning our boat was sunk, and full of water; but we got her up, mended her, and went away in her that day about twenty-four miles, the water being rough, and the winds high: but the great power of God was seen, in carrying us safe in that rotten boat. In our return we had a very precious meeting at Hugh Smith's; praised be the Lord forever! The people were very tender, and very good service we had amongst them. There was at this meeting an Indian captain, who was very loving; and acknowledged it to be truth that was spoken. There was also one of the Indian priests, whom they call Pauwaw, who sat soberly among the people. The ninth of the tenth month we got back to Bonner's Creek, where we had left our horses; having spent about eighteen days in north of Carolina.”
1676 – Letter to Governor from Lords Proprietors, Colonial Records
“Imprs you are to observe the rules of strict justice friendshipp and amity with the neighbour Indians and not suffer them to have any just cause to complain of any oppression or Injustice done them by any of the English within your Government.
Item 2dly you are to send us by the next oppertunity a true account of what tribute or payment are rendered by any of our people or officers from any of the Indians and upon what account such tribute or payment is demanded or prove due.”
1676 – Letters of the Chowanoke War - Journal of William Edmundson, Colonial Records
“I was moved of the Lord to go to Carolina, and it was perillous travelling, for the Indians were not yet subdued, but did mischief and murdered several. They haunted much in the wilderness between Virginia and Carolina, so that scarce any durst travel that way unarmed. Friends endeavored to dissuade me from going, telling of several who were murdered. I considered, that if I should fall by the hands of those murderers, many thereby would take occasion to speak against truth and Friends; so I delayed some time, thinking the Lord might remove it from me, but it remained still with me.
“… We took our journey through the wilderness, and in two days came well to Carolina, first to James Hall's house…”
1676 - Letters of the Chowanoke War - Affidavit of Timothy Biggs, May 1679, Colonial Records
“… Upon wch the people were very mutunous and reviled & threatened ye Members off the Counsell that were for settleing ye sd duty however ye sd duty was setled and one Bird apointed Collector who went on collecting ye same untill the yeare 1676 In wch yeare there being A warr wth ye Indians & the people of the sd Countrey for yt reason in armes they were perswaded by Geo. Durant, Valentine Bird the Collector & one White wth others to fforce the Governor to remitt to the New England men (by whose hands were brought to them all sorts of English Comodities) three farthings of the sd 1d per ℔ the sd Durant haveing then a considerable quantitie of Tobacco to receive & wch hee was to shipp for New England as this Deponant hath heard the sd Durant say
1676 - Letters of the Chowanoke War, Letter from Zachariah Gillam, Feb 19 1680, Colonial Records
The said Gillam went ye next morning & had his papers delivered to him noe man Coming into ye house but himselfe That he supplyd ye Country wth Arms & Amunition for their defence Against ye Heathen wch I had done ye year before & ye year since & sold other goods to those persons I knew Responcible but would not trust others untill I saw what thair paye was.
1676 - Letters of the Chowanoke War, affidavit of Thomas Miller, January 31, 1680, Colonial Records
“… in or about the middle of July 1677 hee arrived in Albemarle County in Carolina with … Com̄issions and Instruments of writing from the then Govr vid. Thom. Eastchurch Esqr for this deponent to preside in Councill & to bee Com̄andr of ye military forces of sd County … In pursuance whereof, after having (by ye advice of the then Councill there) setled the Lords Proprs affaires relating to their governmt reduced the Indians, who the year before (as was manifested to ye deponent) vid. in 76 had com̄itted sundry murders and depredations upon some of the inhabitants) and had brought ye people, who in ye sd year of 76 (as did appear to ye deponent) and then also were in a miserable confusion by reason of Sundry factions amongst them to a reasonable good conformity to his Majestyes and the Lords Proprs Laws and authority and (as yn seemed) to the generall satisfaction of ye inhabitants.”
1676 – Letters of the Chowanoke War – affidavit of Solomon Summers Jan 31, 1680, Colonial Records
“…in prosecution of his [Thomas Miller’s] ordrs in ye first place sommoned ye Assembly to appeare to whome he showed & in whose heareing (to this deponts certaine knowledge) he caused to be published all his foresd Com̄issions & Instructions & then reduced & quietly ye Indians setled ye Malitia brought ye Inhabitants to a good ordr & peaceable decorum & lastly settled his Majtys affaires in reference to the customes & all this done wthout ye least dropp of bloodshed…”
January 26, 1686 - John Archdale to George Fox, from Hawks’ History of North Carolina Pages 378-379
“We at present have peace with all the nations of the Indians and the great fat king of the Tuscaroras was not long since with me having had an Indian slain in these parts. He was informed it was by the English but upon inquiry I found out the murderer who was a Chowan Indian one of their great men's sons whom I immediately ordered to be apprehended but the Chowan Indians bought his life of the Tuscarora king for a great quantity of wampum and bage [sic]. This Tuscarora king was very desirous to cut off a nation of Indians called the Matchepungoes which I have at present prevented and hope I shall have the country at peace with all the Indians and one with another. The people arc very fearful of falling into some troubles again if I should leave them before my brother Sothell returns which makes my stay the longer. This Tuscarora king seems to be a very wise man as to natural parts. Some of the Indians near me are so civilized as to come into English habits and have cattle of their own and I look upon their outward civilizing as a good preparation for the Gospel which God in his season without doubt will cause to dawn among them. I wish all that had it had been faithful then had the day broken forth in its splendor as it began I am sure God forsakes none but the unfaithful who by disobedience are cut off whereas the obedient come to be grafted into the true stock through the growth of the holy seed in their minds and hearts.”
November 08, 1691 Instructions to Philip Ludwell from the Lords Proprietors. Colonial Records
“Wee are Informed that some of the Inhabitants of our Province have killd severall of the Indians wch being of pernicious Consequence not onely in Carolina but to all others his Majesty's Subjects in the Northern America you are to make strict Inquiry thereof upon oath and if you find any person guilty thereof you are to cause them to be Indicted and tryed for the same according to law and such punishmt Inflicted as the law apoints to such offenders that wee may bee able to acquitt Ourselves to their Majts and make our Justice knowne to the Indians and all the world.”
November 26, 1694 - November 30, 1694 Minutes of the General Court of North Carolina,
“Upon complaint of the Chowan Indians that they are much injured by the English seating soe near them
Ordered that no more entry or settlemt of land be made higher then the plantac̄ons weh are alreddy seated above the old towne Creeke and yt wt entries are already made and not yett settled shall be void.”
1695 – In the "Scolding Houses": Indians and the Law in Eastern North Carolina, 1684-1760, by Michelle LeMaster. (North Carolina Historical Review, April 2006, Volume LXXXIII, Number 2)
By order of the General Council, Indians in North Carolina had "liberty to hunt on all wastelend that is not taken up and liberty to pass through the lands that are seated in their goeing to and from the said Wasteland." but only if they conduct themselves "sivilly and doeing noe injury." This is a victory for the Indians as it meant they were not restricted to their reservations for hunting, and could travel to unclaimed land to hunt, theoretically without trouble from their white neighbors. It is doubtful, however, that the local whites were well respecting of the council's order.
March 28 1702 North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, Hathaway, pg 152
Benjamin Blanchard John Campbell Thos Spivey Francis Rountree Robt Rountree Robert Lassiter Georgf Lassiter and Nicholas Stallings lived on Bennett's and Gariett's Creek in Chowan now Gates Co They had a dispute with the Chowan Indians who had their hunting quarters upon some of their land The Indians occupied about 11,000 acres of land between Bennett & Catharine Creek granted by the Government.”
1704 - North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, Hathaway, pg 613
“John Hoyter and rest of ye Chowan Indians petition the President & Council for another tract of land six miles square instead of that which has been already laid out by Capt Thomas Luten as it is too poor and sandy to raise corn upon”
1704 Description by John Blair concerning his journey to North Carolina, Colonial Records
“In the first place, suppose him minister of one precinct (whereas there are five in the country), and this precinct, as they are all bounded with two rivers, and those rivers at least twenty miles distant, without any inhabitants on the road, for they plant only on the rivers, and they are planted in length upon those rivers at least twenty miles, and to give all those inhabitants an opportunity of hearing a sermon, or bringing their children to be baptized, which must be on the Sabbath, for they won't spare time of another day, and must be in every ten miles distant, for five miles is the furthest they will bring their children, or willingly come themselves; so that he must, to do his duty effectually, be ten or twelve weeks in making his progress through one precinct.”
1714 - A History of North Carolina, by John Lawson
“There are a great many other Stories, of this Nature, which are seemingly true, being told by Persons that affirm they were Eye-Witnesses thereof; as, that they have seen one Roncommock (a Chuwou Indian, and a great Conjurer) take a Reed about two Foot long in his Mouth, and stand by a Creek-side, where he call'd twice or thrice with the Reed in his Mouth; and, at last, has open'd his Arms, and sled over the Creek, which might be-near a quarter of a Mile wide or more; but I shall urge no Man's Belief, but tell my own; which is, that I believe the two first Accounts, which were acted at Mr. Southwell's Plantation, as firmly as any Man can believe any thing of that which is told him by honest Men, and he has not seen; not at all doubting the Credit of my Authors.”
July 1712 - Giles Rainsford’s visit to the Chowans, Colonial Records
“… there's a small Chapel near an Old Indian Town [Chowan town] where I preached at June 15th had vast Crowds come to hear me but I observed they exprest very little or rather no devotion in time of divine Service. That day and the day following I baptized 17 children 4 of them 11 years old nine of them 6 and the other 4—three and when I told Mr Urmston of the neglect he excused himself by saying he never had notice of their having children there unbaptized…”
“I had several conferences with one Thomas Hoyle King of the Chowan Indians who seem very inclinable to embrace Christianity and proposes to send his son to school to Sarum to have him taught to read and write by way of foundation in order to a further proficiency for the reception of Christianity I readily offered my service to instruct him myself and having the opportunity of sending him to Mr Garratts where I lodge being but three miles distance from his Town. But he modestly declined it for the present till a general peace was concluded between the Indians and Christians I found he had some notions of Noahs flood which he came to the knowledge of and exprest himselfe after this manner—My father told me I tell my Son But I hope in a little time to give the Society a better account of him as well as of those peaceable Indians under his Command Theres one Mr Mashburn who keeps a school at Sarum on the frontiers of Virginia between the two Governments and neighbouring upon 2 Indian Towns who I find by him highly deserve encouragement and could heartily wish the Society would take it into consideration and be pleased to allow him a Salary for the good services he has done and may do for the future. What children he has under his care can both write and read very distinctly and gave before me such an account of the grounds and principles of the Christian religion that strangely surprised me to hear it. The man upon a small income would teach the Indian Children gratis (whose parents are willing to send them could they but pay for their schooling) as he would those of our English families had he but a fixed dependency for so doing and what advantage would this be to private families in particular and whole Colony in general is easy to determine…”
December 13, 1712 Letter from Alexander Spotswood to Thomas Pollock, Colonial Records
As the taking of Hancock was in pursuance of an Engagement entered into wth this Governt by Blounts people, and Hostages left for his delivery here, he was in effect a prisoner to this Govrnt: and certainly Blount looked on him as such, when he sent 2 of his men to give me notice of his coming in & ordered them to wait here 'till his arrival, and one who stood more on punctillios than I do would be a little startled at the suddenness of his Execution without my knowledge,—especially, seeing I am persuaded you could not suspect that I would shelter him against the punishment due to his crimes: having given you an instance to the Contrary, by delivering up James Cohery, who (how ignorant soever some of yr: people may be of it) was first seeized by our Tributarys, carryed before a Majistrate, and by order, del'd to the Chowans, to be carryed into yr: province, & after having told you in my last that I intended to deliver up to you all the Indian prisoners that are here: among wch there are now two Waccon Indians taken lately by the Meherins in pursuance to my orders—And I shall accordingly send them under a guard of our Militia to South Key, the 27th instant, when I hope you will appoint some to receive them on that day. I send this by Blunts' men, who together with his brother are returning back to him, their stay here being now unnecessary—I shal write to you more fully wth the prisoner, or else by Mr Richardson, who is just now arrived here, and intended for yr province as Recor Genll for the Lords proprietors.
August 11, 1714 – Colonial records of North Carolina, vol II, Saunders
“Upon Petition of Jno Hoyter on behalfe of himselfe and the rest of ye Chowan Indyans therein setting forth that ye Said Indyans had granted to them in the Administration of Govr Archdale for their settlemt a tract of Land on ye Eastern side of Bennets Creek including Meherins Neck of Twelve Miles Square which not being laid out according to ye directions of ye Order of Council they aply'd themselves to ye Honble President Glover & ye Councill then being to have ye same laid out upon wch it was
“It is ordered that Coll Wm Maule doe Examine in the former Survey Made by Coll Moseley and Doe see whether ye same be made pursuant to former order of ye Councill & Whether it Conteyns ye Quantity & Make report thereof to this Board.”
January 19, 1715 - Letter from Giles Rainsford to William Taylor, Colonial Records
“I have been five months together in Chowan Indian Town & made myself almost a Master of their Language & therefore upon my hearing of the Govr of Virginia's project of settling of 4 Nations of Indians at the head of Meherring river, I offer'd myself as Missionary to 'em with the proposal of having one hundred pounds sterling yearly paid me for my trouble 'Tis thirty miles beyond Inhabitants, & the great good I may do, thro' Gods Fatherly assistance among those unenlightened creatures may redound to Gods great Glory and my Comfort.”
July 31, 1718 – Colonial Records, vol II, Saunders
“Upon a Complaint of Cap John Hoyter king of the Chowan Indians that the neighbourhood intrude upon him and his people and take away their Lands Ordered that the Surveyor General or his sufficient Deputy at ten days notice attend ffred Jones Esqr up to the said Indian Towne and follow his directions in laying out the sd Indians Lands and that the Sec 7 or his Deputy send him Coppys of all orders passed relating to grants made to the aforesaid Indians as soone as possible.”
April 4 1720 – Colonial Records, vol II, Saunders
“Cap John Hoyter a Chowan Idien haveing produced to this Board an order from the Honble the Governor directed to James Sitterson requireing him the sd Sitterson to pay to one Willowby an Indian Money due for an Indian Slave bought at Core Sound which order the sd Sitterson not haveing Complied with Its Ordered that the sd James Sitterson attend this Board at the next Sitting without fail and that Willowby attend likewise”
Later in same meeting:
“Complaint being made by John Hoyter Chief man of the Chowan Indians that several of the white people are continually intrudeing upon their Land and the same hath never been so determinatly bounded and ascertained pursuant to the grants made to them by the Government Its therefore ordered by this Board that all the several grants made by the Goverment be laid before Frederick Jones Esqr and that he determinatly and finaly lay out and Asseertaine the bounds for the sd Indians without any reguard to survey or grants made to any other claimers since the first Grants to those Indians.”
Entry sumitted by site member John Basset Collins:
Chowan County Deed Book
88. Lords Proprietors to
The Chowan Indians Deed
His Excellency John-
Lord Palatine and the rest of the ___ and absolute- Lords Proprietors of
Chowan Carolina. To all to whome these presents shall come greeting in our Lord God Ever-lasting. Know ye that we the said Lords and proprietors Absolute Proprietors for and Inconsiderations of the Sum of Two Shillings and Service done inhand paid
89. to our Reciever General by the Nation of Chowan Indians do hereby give and Grant Sell [Alien?]
Ennoff[?] and Confirm unto the Chief said Chowan Indians a Tract of Land Containing Eleven Thousand and three hundred and sixty Acres Lying on the N.E. side of Chowan River, Binding on- Patrick Lalord [Lalard?] _ a Wyer Branch to a Pine his Line Corner Tree then No 67 to 10 Poles to a White Oake then W 25 E. 36 Poles to Red Oak in John Adams line then along his and Rountrees Line No 20E. 560. Poles to a pine then So. 70E. 37 to_______ Black Oack, then So 28E 126 Poles to a Red Oak. Then No 72E255 Poles to a Pine Ephraim Blanchards Line then then along his line So 82E 112 Polesto a Pine his other corner then South 23E 10 Poles to a pine then So 15 to 50 Poles to a Red Oak, then So 15 Wt 100 Poles to a Pine then South 320 Poles through a Savanah to a Pine then South S 75. W. 65. Poles to a Pine then South 80 W 111 Poles to a Red Oak in Aron Blanchards Line then along his Line as Follows. No19. W. 100 Poles to a Pine the So82W. 47 Poles to a white Oak then N. 60 Poles to a Pine then N. 20. W. 124 Poles to a water Oak in a branch then No. to Poles to a white oak then No 79 W 176 Poles to a white oak then South 75. W. 268Poles to a pine then So 80 Poles to a pine then So. 24 E 24 Poles to a Red Oak then S 556 … 208 Poles to a Pine then So. 20E84 Poles to a white oak, Standing by Blanchards line Fence then So 19E66 Poles to a white oak in a branch then down the said Branch, 80 Poles to a White Oake at the Mouth of the said Branch where it falls into the Indian Swamp. Then down the said Swamp. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . to Catharine Creek then the meanders of the said Creek, and of Bennets Creek, to the first station.
90. To have and to hold, the said land and Premisses, and Priveledge of Huntin, Hawking, Fishing and Fowling with all woods, Waters, Rivers with all Profits Commoditiesand - ___________, to the same belonging or appurtaining Excepting . . . . . . Gold and Silver mines, unto the said Nation of Chowan Indians, their heirs and assigns Forever Yeilding and paying unto us our heirs and Such psons yearly every 29th day of Septr the fee rent of one Eare of Corn for every hunared – Acres here by Granted to be holden by us our heirs and Such psons in for and in Common Loccage[?] – Given under the Seal of the Colony the Fourth day of Apl Ann Domo 1724. Witness our Trusty and well beloved Councellors who hath hereunto set their hands
Thos Harvey George Barrington
Rovick[?] W. Reed
E. Moseley C. Gale
Ffrancis Foster P. Goffee
True Copy from the Original
Ja. Craven DY Sec.
Certify that the above Signature James Craven Dep. Secretary according to the best of my Judgment and belief in the proper hand writing of James Craven, who was and enacted [?] Buninefs [?] in the Secretary’s Office in the then Province as Deputy in Testimony
91. Whereof I have hereunto set my hand, this 6th day of May. 1791.
L. Glargow Secretary
[Pole – 505 yards; 160 poles2 – 1 acre; 320 poles – 1 mile]
May 15, 1731 State Records, vol III, Saunders
Claim allowed by comittee. "To Major Bonner, going to the Chowan Indians, E3" 10"____.
Unknown what claim was in regards to.
July 2, 1731 – Description by George Burrington concerning his actions as Governor of North Carolina, Saunders, Volume 03, Pages 142-156
“85th Instruction mentions the Indians here; Of late years they are much diminished, there are six Nations amongst us, they all live within the English Settlements having Land assigned them, and chuseing the Places most secure from the attacks of Forreign Indians that delight in slaughtering one another, the names of our Indian People are the Hatteras, the Maremuskeets, the Pottaskites, the Chowans, the Tuscarora, and the Meherrins not one of these Nations exceed 20 Familys excepting the Tuscarora Indians who were formerly very powerfull most of these were destroyed and drove away in the late Warr, only this Tribe under King Blunt made Peace and have ever since lived in amity with us consisting now of about 200 fighting men. There was lately a messenger from the Government of South Carolina complaining of Injurys done the White people of that Government by those Indians. But they denying the Facts charged on them and refuseing Restitution are threatened by that Government with a Warr from the Cherokees and Catauba's. On this affair their King is now with me to make some Proposalls, that the White people of South Carolina may not come against him, because he says it may bring on a Warr with the English in General, and may be a matter of consequence to the Country. I have but one Councellor left here to advise with on this affair, the others being out of this Province, or at a very great distance, therefore shall be obliged to fill up some of the Vacancies that I may have a Council to consult on Emergencys, my residence in this part of the Government for some time being absolutely necessary for his Majesty's service.”
April 3, 1733 – Minutes of the North Carolina Governor's Council Saunders, Volume 03, Pages 537-538
“A Representation of Thomas Blount King or Chief man of the Tuskarora Indians by Mr Francis Pugh one of the Commissioners for Indian affairs was read in these words Vizt No 8
This Board taking the same into Consideration are Willing that the Supponees do live with the Tuskarooroes in case both parties agree to
August 2, 1733 – North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, vol 1, Hathaway, page 106
Thomas Hoyter, King, Jeremiah Pushing, Charles Beasley and James Bennett, chief men of the tribe, sell to Michael Ward 300 acres on Catharine's Creek. Test: John Freeman, Robert Hicks
August 3, 1733 North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register vol 1,, Hathaway, page 106
Same, to John Freeman, 200 acres, part of Chowan Town. Test: Robert Hicks, Edward Howcott, James Craven.
August 4, 1733 North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, vol 1, Hathaway, page 106
Same, to Henry Hill, 50 acres on Bennett's Creek. Test: John Freeman, Michael Ward, Wm Flemmons.
August 7, 1733 – Minutes of the North Carolina Governor's Council, Saunders, Volume 03, Pages 538-539
“The Petition of the Chowan Indians setting forth &c No 5
Ordered that Aaron Blanchard attend this Board at their Sitting in October next and that in the mean time the said Blanchard is hereby Ordered to committ no waste in ye said Indians Land.”
North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, vol 1, Hathaway, pg 114 records the following Sales;
January 27, 1734 Thomas Hoyter, King, and other Indians, chief men of the tribe of Chowan Indians, to James Brown 100 acres adjoining Rountree and Hill's land. Test: Richard Minchew, Michael Ward, Benjamin Blanchard.
November 4, 1734 – Same to William Hill 100 acres at the fork of the Indian Swamp, adjoining Lassiter. Test: Thos Jones, Robt Forster.
November 7, 1734 –Same [Thomas Hoyter, King, and other Indians, chief men of the tribe of chowan Indians] sell to Michael Ward, 600 acres near new Poly Bridge and John Freeman's Land.
November 22, 1734 – Same, to James Hinton, 100 acres adjoining lands of Lassiter and Wm Hill. Test: Henry Hill, Thomas Morris.
November 22, 1734 - Same to Jacob Hinton, 50 acres at head of Juniper Swamp and up the Mirey Branch. Test: Henry Hill, Wm Hill, Wm Trevathan.
“The Indians in North Carolina that live near the Planters are but few as I observed before not exceeding Fifteen or Sixteen hundred Men Women and Children and those in good harmony with the English with whom they constantly trade yet near the Mountains they are very numerous and powerful but have little or no fire Arms amongst them so that the three following Kings are not so much in dread or fear of those near the Mountains as they formerly were since they have furnished themselves with Fire Arms from the Europeans because they can kill at greater distances with their Guns than the other can with their Bows and Arrows They have three Paricossy's or Indian Kings in this Province who are civilized viz King Blunt King Durant and King Highter but they may rather be compared to Heads of Clans than Kings according to their Appearances I have frequently seen and conversed with these three Kings whose Dresses were as follows:
“King Blunt appeared before the Governour to pay his Tribute which he as well as the rest generally do once or twice every Year and this Tribute is a quantity of Deer Skins dressed after the Indian manner.
“ Complements being passed between him and the Governour which I shall describe in another place they were desired to sit down and dine with his Excellency which all of them generally do whenever they come to Town where the Governour is Several Discourses past between them and amongst other things that they were afraid of the Sinagars or Irequois Indians who are not in subjection to the English coming to invade them and desiring the Assistance of the Governour if there should be any Occasion which he assured them of.
“Dinner being ended the Glass went round very merrily and whenever they drank to the Governour they always stiled him by the Name of Brother These three Kings speak English tolerably well and are very wary and cunning in their Discourses and you would be surprised to hear what subtile and witty Answers they made to each Question proposed to them notwithstanding they are in general Illiterate People having no Letters or Learning to improve them King Blunt being the most powerful of these I have mentioned had a Suit of English Broadcloth on and a pair of Women's Stockings of a blue Colour with white Clocks a tolerable good Shirt Cravat Shoes Hat &c King Durant had on an old Blue Livery the Wastecoat having some remains of Silver Lace with all other Necessaries fit for wearing Apparel such as Shirt Stockings Shoes &c made after the English manner King Highter had on a Soldiers red Coat Wastecoat and Breeches with all other conveniences for wearing Apparel like the former And it is to be observed that after their return home to their Towns that they never wear these Cloaths till they make the next State Visit amongst the Christians.
“After this manner appeared the three civilized Kings with each of them his Queen Children Physician Captains of War and his Guards. After Dinner was over the Governour ordered Rum for the Queens and the rest of the Retinue who remained at some distance from the Governours House during the time the Kings were in Company with him. In a few Hours after they all withdrew from the Grovernours House and went into Town to dispose of their Deer Skins that were remaining for Blankets Guns Powder Shot Ball and other Necessaries they had occasion for and especially Rum whereof they are very fond What is worthy of Observation amongst the whole Retinue is this That you shall not see two but what have some Mark to distinguish them from each other sometimes very long black Hair with several bits of Stuff such as Green Blue Red White and Yellow tied in it others with their Hair cut close only a Circle left on the Head the Hair whereof is about half an Inch longer than the rest. Others with several Marks in different parts of their Bodies and Faces as if they had been marked with Gun Powder so that if you see an hundred of them you shall always observe some difference in each of them either in their Painting Tonsure of their Hair or the marks made in their Skins All these Guards were well Armed with each Man a Gun good store of Powder and Ball and a Tamahawk by his side which is a kind of small Hatchet It is likewise to be observed that scarce any of the whole Retinue except the War Captains had any Cloathing only Tail Clouts for decency to cover their Nakedness and some few with a Blanket or some such like piece of Cloth about their Shoulders As soon as they have sold their Deer Skins for those Necessaries they had occasion for and had drank what quantity of Rum they were allowed or thought fit to make use of they came out into the Street to act the Indian War which to any one bred in Europe seemed rather like a Scene of Madness than a Warlike Exercise for one while they were Hooping and Hollowing another while stamping altogether like Madmen another time creeping as if they were surprizing their Enemies and many other antick Postures and Gestures too tedious to name Though these Kings may seem despicable and meane to us yet are they most absolute putting to death those they judge worthy of it…”
“But to return: Their Queens, Sons, and Daughters are never permitted to dine at the Governour's Table with the Kings but remain with their Children and Guards at some distance from the House. The first of these Queens was drest with a Peticoat made after the European manner and had her Hair which is generally long thick and Black tyed full of bits of Stuff such as Red Green Yellow and variety of other Colours so that to an European she rather seemed like a Woman out of Bedlam than a Queen She likewise had a large Belt about her full of their Peack or wampum which is their Money and what they value above Gold or Silver but to me it seem d no better than our common Snails or other ordinary Shells the other parts of the Body from the Waste upwards were all naked The other two Queens were drest much after the same manner but none like the first having not such rich Belts of Money about their Bodies which to us in Europe woud not be worth one Farthing…”
“In building these Houses they get long Poles of Pine, Cedar, Ash, Hickery or any Wood that will bend these Poles are generally about the thickness of a Man's Leg at the thickest end stript of the Bark and well warmed in the Fire which makes them tough and pliable Then they make sharp points on the thickest ends and stick them fast in the Ground about two yards asunder in a circular Form the distance they design the Cabin then they bend the tops and bring them together after which they bind their Ends with Bark of Trees that is proper for that use such as Elm or the long black Moss that grows on Trees which seldom rots then they brace them with other Poles to make them strong and firm lastly they cover them all over with Barks of Trees except a hole to let out the Smoak that they are warm and tight and will keep firm against Wind and Weather. These are all the kind of Dwellings that are to be met with throughout all the Nations of the Indians in these parts of America except the civilized Kings who of late have Houses fashioned and built after the manner that the Christians build theirs.”
March 22 1742 North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, vol 2, Hathaway, pg 473
Henrv Hill of Chowan County from Chowan Indians 300 acre land on Bennett's Creek Swamp
June 19 1744 North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, vol 2, Hathaway, pg 473
Henry Hill from Chowan Indians 640 acres beginning at the lower end of the old Indian town thence to Bennett's Creek Swamp.
4th December 1744 Minutes of the North Carolina Governor's Council, Saunders, Volume 04, Pages 711-714
“His Excellency the Governor acquainting the Board that the Great men of the Chowan Indians had appeared before him and acknowledged
March 15, 1746 Minutes of the North Carolina Governor’s Council, Saunders, Volume 4, Pages 798-803
“Read the Petition of James Bennett a Chowan Indian complaining of one Henry Hills having obtained a Deed of Sale for some of the Chowan Indian Land from some Indians who had no Right to sell the same.
Ordered that Henry Hill be summoned to attend this Board at their their next Sitting, And that Thomas Hoyster and John Robin the two Indians who sold the Land to the said Hill to [be] summoned to attend at the same time”
Sept 19 1747 North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, vol 2, Hathaway, pg 473
Wm Hill from Henry Hill and Chowan Indians 150 acres land on Mirey and Gabriel branches.
1772 - Indian slaves with the surname Robin sue for freedom in Virginia. Thought to be Chowanokes.
Helen Tunnicliff Catterall, Judicial Cases Concerning American Slavery and the Negro Vol. 1 (New York: Octagon Books, 1968)
91-92. Robin v. Hardaway, Jefferson 109, April, 1772. “These, were several actions of trespass, assault and battery, brought by the plaintiffs against persons who held them in slavery, to try their titles to freedom. They were descendants of Indian women brought into this country by traders, at several times, between the years 1682 and 1748, and by them sold as slaves under an act of Assembly made in 1682.” [Chapter 1. Purvis 282.’ 2 Hening 490] Mason, for the plaintiffs:  “It is notorious that it was the universal opinion in this country, that the law of 1682, was repealed in 1684. . . and under that persuasion hundreds of the descendants of Indians have obtained their freedom, on acts brought in this court. Nor was ever the propriety of these descisions called into question till within these four years. The gentleman (Colonel Bland) . . started the doubt at the bar, on no other foundation, as I conceive, than the want of an express repeal. But it is hoped the virtual repeal will answer the same end, and we shall again be permitted to return into our wonted channel of adjudication. But if it was not repealed by the act of 1684, then it was by the act of 1691, which repealed ‘all former clauses of former acts of the Assembly, limiting, restraining, and prohibiting trade with the Indians.’ By this it was made lawful for the Indians to come into this country, at any time, for the purpose of trade. But can we suppose, that as soon as they came, they should be picked up and sold as slaves? If so, this fair faced act was but a trap to catch them, an imputation which would do indignity to any legislature.” If the act “of 1682. . .restrained their trade. . it was repealed by this of 1691, . . it was repealed in 1705, if it was then subsisting.” Colonel Bland, for the defendants, contended that the act of 1684, in repealing the act of 1679, withdrew from the operation of the act of 1682 (chapter 1) only “what Indian prisoners. . . shall be taken in warre,” by our soldiers; that “the law of 1691 was no repeal of that of 1682” for the acts “relative to slavery and those relative to trade” are “totally independent of, and unconnected with one another.”  “The court adjudged that neither of the acts of 1684 or 1691 repealed that of 1682, but that it was repealed by the act of 1705.”
1 August, 1782 Free African American Families of North Carolina, Virginia, and South Carolina, Heinegg:
“Nan/ Nancy/ Ann Robins, born say 1743, was among eight Indians who purchased for 5 pounds thirty acres near the old Indian patent on 1 August 1782 in Gates County: James, Benjamin, Patience, Sarah, Nancy, Elizabeth, Dorcas, and Christian Robbins. The following year she was identified as their mother in a deed for land adjoining theirs [DB A-2:33, 46].”
July 1789 – The North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register, vol 2, Hathaway, pg 63
Parker, Joseph, Gates County, July 21, 1789, termed August 1789. Wife Catren, Sons Joseph Parker, John Cader and James, daughters Polly, Elizabeth, Nancy and Pussa Parker, Sarah Jones. Test: John Robbins Sr, Jno Robbins Jr.
12 April, 1790 Free African American Families of North Carolina, Virginia, and South Carolina, Heinegg:
James Robins, Benjamin Robins, George and Joseph Bennett, chief men and Representatives of the Chowan Indian Nation, sold for 100$ the last 400 acres of Chowan Lands to Samuel Lewis and Samuel Harrell. This sale wasn't approved by the general council until the following year. In a petition to purchse the land, it was said that the Indian men had died, "leaving a parcel of Indian Women who which has mixed with Negroes, and now there is several freemen and women of mixed blood as aforesaid which has descended from the said Indians... the said freemen... did in the late contest with Great Britain behave themselves good and faithful soldiers." After this sale the Bennets apparently moved away, according to wikipedia many lived with the Pee Dee tribes, but I can't find the sources on that. The Robins still had their private land they had purchased and resided still within the territory of the old Chowanoke Nation. It seems apparent they were still regarded as an Indian family by their neighbors.
20 August, 1821 Free African American Families of North Carolina, Virginia, and South Carolina, Heinegg:
Land owned by the Robins family “divided among Sarah, Nancy, Elizabeth, Thaney, Lewis, Treasy, and Judith Robbins”. This is the next generation of Chowan descendents; the questions is, did they still identify with their Chowan roots? In later times one of the Robbins would marry a Meherrin Indian, and today many Meherrin tribal members can trace their lineage back to Chowan roots through the Robins/Robbins.